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A psychological model of mental disorder
Peter Kinderman. MA, MSc, PhD
Professor of Clinical
Psychology, Division of Clinical Psychology, University of Liverpool, Whelan
Building, Quadrangle, Brownlow Hill, Liverpool, L69 3GB. Tel: +441517945533.
Fax: +441517945537. Email: p.kinderman@liverpool.ac.uk
Abstract
A coherent conceptualisation of
the role of psychological factors is of great importance in understanding
mental disorder. Academic papers and professional reports alluding to
psychological models of the aetiology of mental disorder are becoming
increasingly common, and there is evidence of a marked policy shift towards the
provision of psychological therapies and interventions. This paper discusses
the relationship between biological, social and psychological factors in the
causation and treatment of mental disorder. It argues that simple biological
reductionism is not scientifically justified, and also that the specific role
of psychological processes within the biopsychosocial model requires further
elaboration. The biopsychosocial model is usually interpreted as implying that
biological, social and psychological factors are co-equal partners in the
aetiology of mental disorder. The psychological model of mental disorder
presented here suggests that disruption or dysfunction in psychological
processes is a final common pathway in the development of mental disorder.
These processes include, but are not limited to, cognitive processes. The model
proposes that biological and environmental factors, together with a person‟s
personal experiences, lead to mental disorder through their conjoint effects on
these psychological processes. Implications for research, interventions and
policy are discussed. 192 words Key words: psychological processes,
biopsychosocial model, biological reductionism
Introduction
The past few years have seen a
massive investment of research and development efforts in the field of mental
disorder. It is estimated that in the UK, the National Health Service spends
about £219 million per year on mental health research1, and mental disorder
has been estimated to cost the state £77 billion per year2. On July 25,
1989, President George Bush designated the 1990s the „Decade of the Brain‟. The
European Community Council of Ministers3 swiftly followed. Recent advances in imaging
techniques such as computed tomography (CT), magnetic resonance imaging (MRI)
and positron emission tomography (PET) have been hailed as offering great
potential for detailed neuroanatomical investigations of many disorders4. Research into
biological aspects of mental disorder is welcome. However it is important that
this research is properly integrated with psychological and social accounts of
mental disorder. Some observers point to a threat of a retrenchment into a
reductionist, biomedical approach to mental disorder5. It has been
argued that diagnostic and etiological accounts stemming from a simple
biomedical approach will be partial and scientifically inadequate6. Ill-informed
reductionist accounts may lead readers to an unfortunate perception that mental
health care is both lacking in humanistic sensibilities and dehumanising7.
Psychological approaches to
mental disorder offer alternative perspectives and can also be integrated with
biological perspectives. Indeed, this paper will suggest that a comprehensive
psychological model of mental disorder can offer a coherent and assertive
alternative to purely reductionist biological accounts that nevertheless
incorporates biological research. Most biomedical theories and most biomedical
interventions in mental disorder explicitly or implicitly relate to synaptic or
intracellular processes8. Thus abnormalities in neurotransmitter functioning
are implicated in theoretical models and drug treatments (selective serotonin
re-uptake inhibitors etc) target synaptic neurotransmitters in the search for
effective treatment. In contrast, psychological approaches focus on associative
networks, based in the neural substrate, but developed through learning and
relying on theories of conditioning, perception, appraisal and
belief-formation, propositional and implicational encoding, mental models of
the world, internalised schemas of relationships etc. Psychological models of
mental disorder, therefore, address different kinds of mechanisms, but also
strive to encompass more than the mere mechanics of any individual system and
to look at interactions and interrelationships.
Over the past few years a
number of reports by professional bodies, strategy documents from policy makers
and proposed changes in legislation all stress the role of psychologists and of
psychological perspectives in mental health. As an example, the first national
clinical guidance issued by the UK‟s National Institute for Clinical Excellence
concerned the frontline treatment of schizophrenia9. Amongst other
important comments, this document recommended that “100%” of people in receipt
of the diagnosis of schizophrenia should be offered cognitive behavioural
therapy (p55). Recent academic reviews of the role of psychosocial influences
on mental illnesses and psychotic experiences10 and major grant-funded
randomised controlled trials have repeatedly demonstrated the effectiveness of
psychological therapeutic approaches in a range of mental health problems11, 12, 13.
Psychological
formulation is the summation and integration of the knowledge that is acquired
through the assessment process14. Psychological formulations attempt to explain why
people are experiencing difficulties. They usually consist of a list of
problems and possible psychological reasons for these15. Typically,
formulations examine the events of people‟s lives, and how the individuals have
interpreted and reacted to these. Formulations are hypotheses about the nature
and origin of problems, which are tested out over time16, and therefore
tend to change over the course of both assessment and therapy. Psychological
case formulations are complex and may comprise a number of provisional
hypotheses, based on a large variety of psychological theories, each drawing on
scientific research. The use of psychological formulations is not synonymous
with being a clinical psychologist, and is certainly not incompatible with
being a psychiatrist. Many individual clinical psychologists may fail to
provide psychological formulations. Many medically-trained psychiatrists
welcome formulation; either as an adjunct to diagnosis – the iconic DSM-IV17 suggests that
diagnosis is only a start – or, as some psychiatrists propose, as an alternative
to diagnosis18. Psychological models of mental disorder could inform
the practice of all workers in the mental health services, but they should be
coherent. It is axiomatic that psychologists welcome the inclusion of
specifically psychological elements in psychiatric formulations. The questions
are how that should be done and what constitute coherent psychological models
of mental disorder.
It is worthwhile briefly
mentioning the biopsychosocial model in psychiatry. This is primarily
associated with the work of George Engel7, who attempted to provide a scientific account of
mental disorder that could challenge a reductionist biological account. The
biopsychosocial model therefore suggested that mental disorder
emerges from a human system that has both physical elements (a biological
nervous system) and psychosocial elements (relationships, family, community and
wider society)19, 20. The biopsychosocial model was widely adopted21, 22, 23.
Inevitable micro-historical pressures such as a professional revolt against
so-called antipsychiatrists24, 25, 26 has meant that some of the gloss has worn off the
biopsychosocial model. Antipsychiatry remains vocal27, 18, 28 while,
conversely, biodeterminist writings are also common8. Wing, in
particular, appeared to feel the need to defend diagnosis, to assert the
biomedical basis of psychiatric disorders and the utility of a „diagnose and
treat‟ approach29. The emphasis within the biopsychosocial model on
social and psychological perspectives in addition to biological aspects of
mental disorder may be welcome. However, consideration needs to be given to
how, in each case, the elements – bio-, psycho-, and social- – relate one to
another. The biopsychosocial model is, or should be, more than a simple
statement that these three aspects should be included in a formulation. In
particular, it has been argued that the biopsychosocial model has been
interpreted in practice as reserving a dominant position for biomedical approaches5, where indeed
social and psychological factors are acknowledged and given prominence, but are
considered to be moderators of the direct causal role of biological processes.
This „primacy‟ of biomedical causation30 has been cited as an argument for the professional
superiority of one profession over others31. This wider sociological debate over the implications
of particular epistemological approaches has, of course, been a source of some
tension32.
This paper argues that the role
of psychological and social processes in mental disorder requires further
attention. The biopsychosocial model does not address the issues
of the nature of the interrelationships between elements. Importantly, it fails
to address issues related to the different status and nature of the different
elements – the unresolved issue of „primacy‟. The nature of psychological
factors itself needs further attention. This includes a consideration of the
different functions psychological factors can play in different models of
mental disorders: as causes, as symptoms and as possible therapeutic factors.
Such consideration may, paradoxically, rationalise and contextualise the role
of biochemical aspects. The biopsychosocial model fails properly to address
biological accounts of mental disorder if it cannot relate, for example, how
monoamine abnormalities in depression33 relate to findings of low self-esteem34 and negative
thinking patterns35, 36 and findings of greatly increased incidences of mental
disorder in disadvantaged groups37. A coherent model of the links between these findings
– which should emerge from a coherent psychological model of mental disorder –
should also ensure that biological approaches to mental disorder are given
proper regard. What, then, is a psychological conceptualisation of mental
disorder? Is there a coherent, simple, model of mental health that
simultaneously elucidates the psychological perspective and contrasts it with
that of other approaches? What would a generic psychological model of mental
disorder look like? Could a coherent account of the role of psychological
factors in mental disorder also help the development of an integrative model of
mental disorder; in which multiple causal factors, different symptomatic
markers and different therapeutic elements are all appropriately addressed?
Multiple causes of mental disorder
The biopsychosocial model is
based on is the notion of multiple simultaneous causes of mental disorder.
Clinical and research evidence supports this assumption, as will be discussed
below. Any proposed generic psychological model must acknowledge this. One can
imagine something along the lines of a theoretical multiple regression
equation, with mental ill health as the dependent (predicted variable). One
might even imagine measuring such disorder on a numeric scale ranging from zero
to 100 or perfect mental health. One can imagine further three possible
independent or predictor variables. The biopsychosocial model, and the model
proposed here, includes multitude causes – multitude predictors. Nevertheless,
one can imagine for the purposes of this argument three main classes of
predictor variables (biological, social and circumstantial) as illustrated in
Figure 1a. It is worth noting that these classes of causal or predictor
variables are slightly different from the components of the biopsychosocial
model. As will be clarified below, this reflects two important modifications to
the biopsychosocial model: the distinction between psychological processes and
personally significant life events, and the specific status given to the
disruption of psychological processes as a final common pathway to mental
disorder.
________________________
All of these classes of
variables are causally related to mental ill health. Clearly, biological
factors are important in mental health. Links between genetics, biochemical
abnormalities, neuroanatomical abnormalities or merely the structure and
functioning of the physical brain and mental disorder have been studied
extensively.
Some
authors have argued that, while biological variables have explanatory power in
cases of mental disorder, psychosocial aspects merely account for human
experiences that do not amount to clinically significant disorders30. It is beyond
the scope of this paper to discuss all possible biological factors causal in
all possible forms of mental disorder. It is worth noting that these cannot be
dismissed. As just one example, a variety of problems from unipolar depression38 through
bipolar disorder39 to schizophrenia40
have been associated reliably with
genetic heritability. In the hypothetical multiple regression equation
suggested above, therefore, it is likely that an imaginary predictor variable
capturing the population‟s biomedical variance would be a significant predictor
of variance in mental ill health. Equally, we have evidence that social and
environmental factors contribute to mental disorder. Again, the number of
studies is enormous, but there are clear links between poor housing41 and poverty
and unemployment42 and environmental stress and the expression of a wide
range of mental health problems. In simple terms there is considerable evidence
of an association between mental disorder and the experience of poverty and
deprivation43, 44, 45. In our hypothetical example, a general and
portmanteau measure of disadvantageous social environment would clearly be a
significant predictor of variance in mental ill health.
An environmental, or social
environmental, causal variable can be seen as occupying the space of psychiatric
sociology – examining and contextualising social and environmental causes of
mental disorder46. When people refer to psychological issues, they
sometimes refer to the effects of potentially life-shaping experiences that
impact on mental health – childhood sexual abuse47, bullying48, attachment
relations with parents49, assault50 and all other major and minor interpersonal
experiences.
Although
these are disparate kinds of event, it remains true that life events in general
contribute to mental disorder51, 52. Because of the breadth of these experiences, it may
be difficult to capture them all on one hypothetical dimension. Nevertheless,
in our hypothetical multiple regression equation, again, it is likely that an
imaginary predictor variable capturing these potentially damaging cumulative
life events would also be a significant predictor of variance in mental
disorder. This represents one important meaning of the term „psychological‟ as
it is used in this context – as a reference to the causal role of psychosocial
factors in the development of mental disorders. A simple statement that
biological factors, social factors and life events all contribute to the
development of mental ill health does not take us further than the
biopsychosocial model. Two further important further points are necessary,
reflecting the specific psychological nature of the model proposed here. First,
people from different professional and academic backgrounds may well differ as
to their hypotheses about the relative importance of the putative predictor
variables.
One example of this is the
current interest in genetics. As commented above, genetic aspects of mental
disorder are important. However, the apparently bare facts themselves appear
frequently to be overstated, and the concept of heritability itself can be
misleading when applied to psychological phenomena. For example, the
heritability of psychotic disorders has been quoted as being as high as .8553. This figure
is commonly taken to imply that 85% of the variance in the presentation of the
symptoms of psychosis can be statistically attributed to the variance in the
population's genome. This may be misleading. Rutter54 cogently
argues that psychosocial, environmental and developmental influences on mental
disorder are A psychological model of mental disorder Page 11
significant.
He points out that some of the assumptions behind molecular genetics research
do not translate easily into lay language (for example, genetic effects plus
environmental effects do not necessarily sum to 100%). This, Rutter argues, may
lead to subtly but important misrepresentations of biological findings when
discussed in contexts such as the present discussion. It is not necessarily
correct, for instance, to suggest that social background, life events and
psychological factors together could explain only the „remaining‟ 15% of the
variance in the presentation of the symptoms of psychosis. Biological, social,
circumstantial and psychological variables also interact. Personal
vulnerability factors such as neuroticism55
may make a person more emotionally
responsive to life events. Similarly, the social support buffer hypothesis56 suggests that
the level of a person‟s available social support buffers the impact of
environmental stressors on mental health. Thus, for two individuals
experiencing stressful events, the person with the greatest level of social
support will experience lower levels of mental disorder. A similar set of
interactions may explain the often commented upon fact that the concordance
rates for monozygotic twins for no mental disorder is 100%57. So a
biomedical dominance of explanatory models of mental disorder is not
inevitable. Social factors and the influence of life events may be just as
important.
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